Columbia University Libraries Digital Collections: The Real Estate Record

Real estate record and builders' guide: v. 22, no. 551: October 5, 1878

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Real Estate Record AND BUILDERS' GUIDE. YoL. XXII. NEW YORK, SATÜRDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1878. No. 551. PiUilished Weekly by TERMS. ONE YE.'I.R, in advance....$10.00. Communications should be addressed to C. AV. SWEET. Nos. 345 AND 347 Broadway COMMUNISM AND CAPITALISM. The philosophy of history teaches that the events of great cycles crystallize naturally about soine controling f ocal principle, and that all great epochs have distinctive and determinate charac¬ teristics. This broad induction is intended to cover ar.d be applicable to the whole domain of civilized history. And yet in this country, agita¬ tions and their conconiitant events present a suc¬ cession so coutinuous and unremitting, that the historical critic must be sorely puzzied to analyze and assort them. Agitations that threaten to strike terror into the effete and tottering govern- meuts of Europe appeai- as parts of the natural Order of events and are regarded as exhibi- tious of commendable and wholesome states of feeliug in the rai'ified and stimulating atmosphere of our young and vigorous republic. The repres¬ sive measures of old govemments not only excite friction but inteusify it; while the absolute free¬ dom of debate and the uuqualified independence of opiuion which are enjoyed in this country render repressive measures uuuecessary and agitations themselves harmless. If we were classifying the epochs of our own history, it would certainly be proper to desiguate the present one as an epoch of social and industrial agitation, as the preceding was oue of political and goverumental changes. Iu the absence of foreign wars or causes of war aud of any startling or interesting topic of domes¬ tic politics, the present agitation of labor and hu- manitarian doctriues fm-nishes a safe and needed escape valve for the surplus intellectual and emo¬ tional forces of the country. The social warfare that is now being waged is so laAvful, proper and beneficent, that it chaUenges the attention and con.^ideration of thoughtful and humane persons. In its skeleton outlines it presents nothing more than a revival or continuance of the ancient strife between labor and capital—that vexatious and unsettled controversy which either does not or will not admit of any satisfactory couclu- sion. These twin factoi-s of the world's civili¬ zation, so reciprocally dependent and yet so antag- onistic, need the compulsion of some special mag- natism to adjust their respeetive relations, in Order that potential aud impressive forces like these may be bound together in harmonious and accordant action. Lifting the question of tha day öut of the arena of politics, non-partizan disputants seem to array themselves onthe side of two apparently opposite doctrines, which for convenience we have chosen to call the doctrine of Communism and tbe doc¬ trine of Capitalism. Without pretending to discuss these topics ex- haustively, we simply propose to take the real estate view of their significance and relationship, and try to deteriuiue which one accords the more consistcnly aud obviously with the reasonable in¬ terests aud purposes of real estate ownerehip. Communism.—The tenets bound up in this single doctrine, ordinarily embraced under this title, are too numerous to admit of separate discussion. In its most remote signification, it maj' be taken to iniply the bare enunciation of the principle of Integration, a blending of the individuals of a community into a common mass or unit, and it may be made to represent the familiär and be¬ nign idea of co-operation, the voluntary and mutual association of individuals for a common purpose or pursuit. These notions, and mauy kindred ones %vhich have been eugrafted on the trunk of Communism, and made to form natural branches of the leading principle, are as old as the authentic history of man. The fascination that lurks about these ideas may be attributed in part to their very antiquity, to the sanction which traditionconfors upon them, tothe prestige which they have carried down through the cen¬ turies. Ferhaps the tinge of religiousness with which they are more or less imbued may further account for their power to captivate the Imagina¬ tion, and win the allegiauce of men. This pecu¬ liar association of the communistic idea can hardly be dwelt upon in a purely commercial view of the subject, although church history affords many striking aud perfect types of this principle. Whatever value the idea of Communism may possess, it lacks the quality of novelty in this country, because, from the foundation of the government, we have had scattered colonies of enthusiasts who have been zealously practicing this doctrine in all its moods andinfiections, rang¬ ing from ascetic moralism to repulsive licentious- ness. These organizations afford the opportunity for persons who are interested to study the prae¬ tical workings of the system, and if moved to do so to identify themselves personally with some of its developments. The limited and negative success of these iso- lated experiments must be accepted as the popu¬ lär Amgrican judgment upon their value, and as a sure augury of their future capabilities, at least as far as this country is concei-ned. It is less of a problem ho%v these ideas have crept into the country or why they should be periodically agi¬ tated, than that they should be able to attract ihe serious attention of the press and people, and so assume an unwonted and undue importance. The free hospitality which is extended by our government to the Citizens of all other countries renders the Union not only the ref uge of the op¬ pressed, but the chosen land of the restless and visionary of all climes. An indisputable advan¬ tage possessed by this country in dealing with these social problems, an advantage which has the force without the odium of proscription, lies in this very fact that many of the leading and most seductive social and industrial theories are indigenous, native and to the maonr born, and al¬ ready bave public and praetical illustratlons in va¬ rious seetions of the cotmtry. This condition, com- biued witb perfect liberty of the Citizen and abso¬ lute toleration of opinion, deprives the new agita¬ tion of its f angs, and limits tbe field of its action. However wildly and enthusiastictüly the dovotees of these doctrines may preach them, and how¬ ever rauch such preaching may disturb the thrifty and well-to-do classes, the supposition is self- contradictiug and self-subversive that anj- large majoritj' of American Citizens Avould addict themselves to, or cherish, or tolerate the practices of social and industrial Communism. Such doc¬ trines are the very autipodes of the liue of American thought and of the principle of Amer¬ ican action; industrial Communism being as im- practicable under our system as social Commun¬ ism would be offensive. Casting aside, as unworthy of serious consiflera- tion, the possibüity of anj- general adoption of the extreme doctrines of Communism, we are led to inquire what value there may be in the appli¬ cation of the milder tj-pes of the communistic idea. Even in this young countrj-, co-operations, in the form of corporate institutions, trade organ¬ izations and benevolent societies can boast in many ca.ses of ancient pedigree. That form of capital which is most zealously iuveighed against by a certain class of agitators—incorporated cap¬ ital—is after all nothing more than an apt illus¬ tration of the CO operative or communistic prin¬ ciple—the aggregating of the wealth of individ¬ uals for the production of a common benefit. The abuses of this form of Organization deserve criticism more than the mere form itself ; and these should be subjected to strict legislative con- rol. The republican form of government, whether federal, State or municipal is so far communistic iu theory and practice as to compel and allow- the sacrifice of individual righ'.s for the benefit of the whole community. Certainly no more signal exemplification of the communistic principle need be sought after than the power which is possessed by our city government to levy taxes almost solely upon tho small number of Citizens who happen to own real estate, and to apportion the proceeds of these taxes among sinecure salarj-- men,and to wastefully scatter them in the pro¬ jection of elaborate and unnecessar j' public works, The Communists have only to possess themselves of govermental oßices in order to exp'ore the füllest capacity of their doctrines, to bless or to curse themselves and others. This populär and captivating theorj- is also füll of Strange paradoxes and contradictions. Iu the best organized type of communistic society which this countrj' presents, namely in the society of Shakers, so far from there being a populär gov¬ ernment partieipated in by all the members. there is a real hierarchy or oligarchj-; and, generally, the shrewdest and most capable member is the real leader and dictator. While affecting to decry the value of Avealth, they are notoriously known to possess the most inordinate greed for money and a conspicuous propensity for hoarding it; and while denying the right or propriety of individual possession of property, and while call¬ ing upon the Legislature to limit the capacity of individuals to possess it, they represent in them¬ selves an ownership of immense tracts of valuable land to which they are constantly seeking to make additions, suad with which they are rarely known to part. Accustomed to exalt the merit of labor and to dedaim against tbe inefficiency of capital, they- illustrate, in their business establishments, the higb order of thrift which is attainable by an 'ntelligent combination of capital and labor.