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October 14r-2J, 1882
The Record and Guide.
THE RECORD AND GUIDE.
Om<5e, 191 Broadv/ay.
OCTOBER 14—21, 1882.
TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN.
The columns of The Record and Guide of to-day are as full of
interest as an egg is of meat. ''Our Prophetic Department''''
ivill be eagerly scanned for Sir Oracle's report of the outlook in
business circles and tlie stock market. The Washington corres¬
pondence contains matter that will interest the Belmont family and
their friends. A very in portant portion of the famous Vander¬
bilt interview, not given in the New York daily papers, is also pub¬
lished. Real Estate people ivill fi,nd their specialty fully treated
in its pr&per department, and all who are thinking of furnishing
their houses or selling goods to those who are, will read with sur¬
prise how largely brass flgures in house decoration. 7 he excerpts
from the press of the country on the affairs of the business
world should be read by eveinf active adult citizen. An especially
attractive feature is a colored picture of Morningside Park as it is
to he. This splendid public improvement now under way is also
elaborately described in an article prepared by an expert. All ivho
icish extra copies of this picture, may procure them at 5 cents
apiece or 50 cents per dozen.
PRICE OF RECORD AND GUIDE.
Per Annum, . . . .
With Supplement, ...
Record and Guide, Single Copy,
With Supplement, ...
bribe legislators or judges, or to maintain a lobby at every
capital, or to issue dead-head pa-ses by the million.
Fifth.—In. order to affect these and kindred reforms, The
Record and Guide will keep on agitating the necessity of hold¬
ing a National Convention to revise the Coaatitutlon of the
United States. The new age brings with it new conditions to
which our fundamental law should conform.
The politics of the dav are a chaos—uo pariy lias a pro-
giamme worthy tbe name ; hence our so-call>-d political
debates are frivolous and barren of go )d results. The discus¬
sion of amendments to the fundamental law would dijiuif y our
party contests by a^tracang the attention of the people to
questions of vital mo nent having a bearing upon our future
"THE PUBLIC BE--------."
TO BE KEPT IN MIND.
Among the objects for which this journal ^proposes to strive
are the following:
First.—The limitation of the power of all legislative bodies in
this country, from Alderman to Congressman. Our population
has grown so large and legislative bodies are so numerous,
that the latter cannot be held to a strict accountability, and. as a
consequence, corruption is rife in every chief Oity and capitol
of the nation. There is the same objection to clothing legisla¬
tures and congresses with irresponsible power that applies to
all corporate bodies. It can be said without fear of contradic¬
tion, that every Board of Aldermen of the city of New York,
and every Legislature of the State of New York which has been
called into life within the last forty years has been a bribable
body, and the same is true of the local legislatures of other
cities and other states.
Second,—Mayors, govornors and other executive oflElcers,
must be given greater authority, so that they can be held to a
sterner accountability. While our aldermen and legislators
are, in the great majority of cases, utterly unfit for their posi¬
tions, our mayors and governors are generally men of ability
and character. It is idle to hope for any vital reform in the
conduct of our public business until every department has a
responsible head, so that when wrong is done the people will
know whom to blame.
Third.—0\iT civil service must be reformed from A to Z;
there must be no minor appointments for political reasons,
and no dismissal except for inefficiency or meddling with ihe
elections. The office-holding fraternity must be sent to the
rear, and made the servants, and not, as they now are, too often,
the masters ®f the people.
Fourth.—There must be only one monopoly in this country—
that of the general government, responsible to the whole
people. All corporations must be subordinated to the grt ater
corporation which sits in its place of power at Washington.
This change should be effected, not only in the interest of • he
people, but to save the transportation companies themselves
from'the parasites who now prey upon them. Once under the.
control of the nation there will be no necessity for them to
These words, spoken by Mr. William H. Vanderbilt to a Cai
cagoreporter, are already familiar to the public thus e.xecra-
ted. They will become more famous, and be remembered
longer, than any words Mr. Vanderbilt has ever spoken befuro
and than any he is likely ever to speak again. True, ho denies
having uttered the objectijnable words, but they are so
characteristic that the public will believe the reporter and not
"An honest confession id good for the soul." There was au
immense deal of palaver at i he Chicago couveution of 188u. All
of it is forgotten now, and only the brief and honest; speech of
one man is remembered. The man was Flanagan of Tesa^;
the speech—" What are we here for except the offices."
Mr. Vanderbilt's speech has the same merit. It; is a candid
and forcible expression of the speaker's sentiments, aud they
are sentiments which the public—the ----- public—is inter¬
ested in knowing.
Did Mr. Vanderbilt ever consider to what he owes the mil¬
lions which he avers are his to do what he likes with ? He did
not always take that view of them. When his father's will,
under which he took them, was contested, he intimated, alao
to a reporter, that if the millions were his to do as he liked
with, he would satisfy all the reasonable desires of his brother
and sisters. But he explained "I do not regard this money aa
a fortune; I regard it as a trust." This was an acknowledg¬
ment of a stewardship, and as such it was gratifying. What
he meant plainly was that his father's will bound him to keep
the property together, as It was left, so as to secure the control
of the New York Central road, and that he must not divert any
of it even to aa'isfy the natural claims of his kindred. He vvaa
to crucify his affections in order that he might; do his duty.
This was very impressive. It ceased to be impressive when
Mr. Vanderbilt sold fifty millions of his "trust" out of New
York Central and put it into Government bonds, the income of
which he has spent to gratify his personal desires.
Now, we repeat, where did this trust; money come from ? It
came, every dollar of the New York Central stock came from a
charier granted by the State of New York under which the
State deputed to the railroad its right of eminent domain,
tfok land for the road from the owners whether they were
willing or unwilling to part with it, and protected the road iu
taking toll of its passengers and its freight. Why did th-^
State delegate these sovereign powers to thiscomi)any ? There
is only one answer possible. I». was because the road was ex¬
pected to be of public service. Every one of the roads wich
which Mr. Vanderbilt is connected was chartered in the same
way. The consideration upon which its charter was granteit
was the expectation that the road would promote the publi.-
Aud now, when Mr. Vanderbilt is asked whether, in order tu
accommodate the public he will run a fast train which doe-
not pay over the roads the public have permitted him to acquire
and with them to acquire scores of millions, he answers, frank¬
ly and forcibly, *' The public be-----,"
Mr, Vanderbilt can scarcely imagine that the public has
voted him these scores of millions as a mark of its esteem.
Apart from his interesting and admirable money he is not
commonly regarded as an interesting or an admirable person.
He has neither the personal force that belongs to the acquirers
of great fortunes, nor the culture and grace that belong to the
inheritors of great fortunes. The only sense he has ever
shown of any public responsibility, was shown in his purchase
of a collection of good pictures, by which he is probably bored.
It seems, however, that he really likes lo collect trotting
horses, and win bets upon their speed, while he extremely dis¬
likes to lose these bets. He is also, in spite of his great wealth,
a stock-gambler in Wall street, where he bears the reputation,
we will notsay of a sharper, but of a person who is not iu any way
scrupulous competent about the means by which he gets money